Constitutional Law - View Point https://1stattorneys.ng/articles Tue, 05 May 2026 22:48:14 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.9.4 https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/cropped-1a-32x32.jpg Constitutional Law - View Point https://1stattorneys.ng/articles 32 32 CYBERCRIME, BREACH OF PEACE, AND ATTEMPTED FELONY: A CASE NOTE ON DSS V. JUSTICE MARK CHIDIEBERE https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2026/05/05/cybercrime-breach-of-peace-and-attempted-felony-a-case-note-on-dss-v-justice-mark-chidiebere/ Tue, 05 May 2026 22:48:14 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=990917

CYBERCRIME, BREACH OF PEACE, AND ATTEMPTED FELONY: A CASE NOTE ON DSS V. JUSTICE MARK CHIDIEBERE

ABSTRACT

On 4th May 2026, Justice Mark Chidiebere, popularly known as “Justice Crack,” was arraigned before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik at the Federal High Court, Abuja, on a three-count charge filed by the Department of State Services (DSS). He pleaded not guilty to all counts and was remanded in DSS custody until 25th May 2026. This article examines each charge against the legal framework of Nigerian law, analyses whether the charges hold water, cites relevant decided cases, and assesses the broader implications for free speech and fundamental rights in Nigeria.

1. INTRODUCTION

The criminal prosecution of Justice Crack represents the latest chapter in a case that began with his arrest by the Nigerian Army on 28th April 2026. Following public outcry and the Army’s admission that it lacked jurisdiction to detain a civilian, the Army transferred him to the DSS, which subsequently filed charges before the Federal High Court.

The charges, while formally brought under the Cybercrimes Act and the Criminal Code Act, raise fundamental questions about the criminalisation of public interest speech, the tension between national security concerns and freedom of expression, and the proper limits of criminal law in a democracy.

This article analyses each count in seriatim, examining the statutory elements of each offence, the actual position of Nigerian law as established by binding judicial precedents, and the likelihood that the charges will withstand judicial scrutiny at trial.

2. COUNT ONE: CYBERCRIME (FALSE INFORMATION)

2.1 The Allegation

Count One alleges that on or about 28th April 2026, Justice Crack circulated information to the public via his X handle, @JusticeCrack, regarding the alleged inadequate feeding of Nigerian Army personnel.

The prosecution alleges that he knew this information to be false but posted it for the purpose of causing annoyance, ill-will, and hatred, especially among citizens who hold divergent views.

This offence is said to be contrary to Section 24(1)(b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act, 2015 (as amended).

2.2 The Statutory Provision

Section 24(1)(b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act, 2015 provides that any person who:

“knowingly or intentionally sends a message or other matter by means of computer systems or networks that he knows to be false, for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred, ill will or needless anxiety to another or causes such a message to be sent”

commits an offence under the Act.

2.3 Decided Cases on Section 24(1)(b)

The Nigerian courts have had occasion to interpret and apply Section 24(1)(b) of the Cybercrimes Act in several cases. Two notable cases are particularly instructive:

The Case of Seun Oloketuyi (2015)

In August 2015, the Nigerian Police arraigned Seun Oloketuyi, a publisher of a news website (naijahottestgist.com), before the Federal High Court, Lagos, on a two-count charge. The prosecutor alleged that the accused knowingly and intentionally published a defamatory story on the internet against Nnamdi Okonkwo, the Managing Director of Fidelity Bank Plc, in order to annoy and insult him. The prosecutor further alleged that the accused knew that the information he published was false.

The first count of the charge was specifically brought under Section 24(1)(b) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition Prevention) Act, 2015, alleging that the accused “intentionally sent message and other matters by means of computer system or network against Okonkwo, which he knew to be false, for the purpose of causing him annoyance, insult and ill-will”.

Justice Mohammed Yunusa remanded the accused in Ikoyi prison and adjourned the case. This case demonstrates that the prosecution has, in practice, invoked Section 24(1)(b) against individuals for online publications alleged to be false and intended to cause annoyance.

Significance for Justice Crack’s Case:

The Oloketuyi case establishes that charges under Section 24(1)(b) are not unprecedented. However, it is important to note that the Oloketuyi case did not proceed to a final judicial determination on the interpretation of the section; it was resolved at the bail stage. The substantive elements of the offence, particularly the requirement of subjective knowledge of falsity and specific intent, were not judicially determined.

2.4 The Actual Position of the Law

The Cybercrime charge under Section 24(1)(b) requires the prosecution to prove subjective knowledge of falsity and specific intent to cause ill-will, which is a high evidentiary burden.

The Mens Rea Requirement: Knowledge of Falsity

The most critical element of Section 24(1)(b) is the requirement that the accused knew the information was false. The section uses the phrase “he knows to be false”. This is a subjective test: the prosecution must prove that Justice Crack had actual knowledge that his statement about inadequate feeding was false at the time he posted it.

This is a high evidentiary burden. The prosecution cannot merely show that the statement was false; they must prove that Justice Crack knew it was false. If he honestly believed the information to be true (even if mistaken), the mental element of the offence is not satisfied.

The Purpose Element: Intent to Cause Annoyance, Ill-Will, or Hatred

Even if the prosecution proves knowledge of falsity, they must also prove that Justice Crack acted “for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, injury, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred, ill will or needless anxiety to another”.

This is a specific intent requirement. The prosecution must show that Justice Crack’s dominant purpose was to cause one of these specified negative outcomes, not to inform the public, expose wrongdoing, or advocate for better soldier welfare.

2.5 Does This Charge Hold Water?

The Case for the Prosecution:

The prosecution will likely argue that the statement about inadequate feeding was false (if they can prove this through military records or testimony) and that Justice Crack either knew it was false or deliberately avoided verifying it before publication. The Oloketuyi precedent suggests that Nigerian prosecutors have successfully initiated charges under this section for similar allegations.

The Case for the Defence:

The defence has several strong arguments:

  1. Lack of Knowledge of Falsity: Justice Crack is a social media commentator, not a military whistleblower with access to classified feeding records. If he obtained his information from soldiers’ complaints (as the Army’s earlier statement suggested), he may have honestly believed the information to be true. The Army’s own initial investigation was triggered by soldiers’ complaints about feeding and welfare. If soldiers themselves were complaining, how can a civilian who amplifies those complaints be said to “know” the complaints are false?
  2. Legitimate Public Interest Purpose: The predominant purpose of the publication appears to be drawing public attention to soldiers’ welfare conditions, not causing annoyance or ill-will for its own sake. Discussing the welfare of security personnel is a matter of public interest. If the dominant purpose is public interest advocacy, the specific intent required by Section 24(1)(b) may be absent.
  3. Constitutional Free Speech Protection: Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution guarantees freedom of expression. In interpreting penal statutes that restrict free speech, courts apply a presumption in favour of liberty and require strict proof of all elements.

Verdict on Count One: Uncertain but Challenging for Prosecution

The charge is not frivolous, but the prosecution faces significant evidentiary hurdles. Proving subjective knowledge of falsity and specific intent to cause ill-will (rather than to inform) is notoriously difficult. If the defence can show that Justice Crack had reasonable grounds for believing his statement was true and that his purpose was public interest advocacy, the charge may fail.

3. COUNT TWO: BREACH OF PEACE

3.1 The Allegation

Count Two alleges that Justice Crack published a viral video and accompanying statements about the Nigerian Army which generated widespread negative reactions and were likely to cause fear and a breach of public peace.

This charge is brought under Section 59 of the Criminal Code Act.

3.2 The Statutory Provision

Section 59 of the Criminal Code Act states:

“Any person who, by writing, printing, or any other means, publishes or circulates any statement or report which is likely to cause fear and alarm to the public or to disturb the public peace, is guilty of a misdemeanor.”

3.3 Decided Cases on Breach of Peace by Publication

While there are limited Nigerian appellate authorities directly on Section 59 of the Criminal Code, cases from other jurisdictions and related provisions provide guidance.

The YABATECH Bursar Case (2016)

In a related context, the Lagos State Directorate of Public Prosecutions arraigned the former Bursar of Yaba College of Technology, Mr. Olugbenga Ibirogba, for allegedly leaking classified information. The defendants were charged with the offence of “provoking breach of peace by offensive publication, contrary to Section 57(1)(b) of the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2011,” by circulating several threat letters against the person of the college rector.

They were also accused of violating Section 59 of the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2011 for leaking the college’s secret. This case demonstrates that Nigerian prosecutors have invoked similar “breach of peace” provisions in the context of publication offences, though the substantive interpretation of the section was not fully litigated.

3.4 The Actual Position of the Law

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The Breach of Peace charge under Section 59 of the Criminal Code is weak as it requires proving the publication was likely to cause public fear and disturbance, not just negative reactions.

The “Likely” Standard

The offence requires that the publication be “likely to cause fear and alarm to the public or to disturb the public peace.” This is an objective test: would a reasonable person in the position of the public (or a segment thereof) be caused fear or alarm by the publication?

The test is not whether the publication actually caused fear or alarm, but whether it was likely to do so.

The “Public Peace” Requirement

“Public peace” refers to the absence of disorder, violence, or disturbance affecting the community at large. The offence is not concerned with private annoyance or individual discomfort, but with threats to public order.

3.5 Does This Charge Hold Water?

The Case for the Prosecution:

The prosecution will argue that the publication about inadequate feeding of soldiers, especially when coupled with the earlier allegations that soldiers were complaining about welfare conditions, was likely to cause fear and alarm among the public about the readiness and morale of the military.

The Case for the Defence:

The defence has several strong arguments:

  1. Legitimate Criticism Distinguished from Breach of Peace: Not every publication that causes negative reactions or controversy automatically constitutes a breach of peace. The law requires a specific likelihood of public fear and disturbance of public order. Criticism of government institutions, including the military, is protected speech under Section 39 of the Constitution.
  2. No Evidence of Actual Breach: The charge is based on what the publication was “likely to cause,” not on any actual breach of peace that occurred. In the absence of evidence that any public disorder actually resulted, the “likelihood” determination becomes highly speculative.
  3. Vagueness and Overbreadth Concerns: Section 59 is a broadly worded provision that, if interpreted expansively, could criminalise virtually any criticism of government institutions.

Verdict on Count Two: Weak Charge

This charge is on weaker footing than Count One. The connection between a report about soldier feeding and a likely breach of public peace is tenuous. Unless the prosecution can present evidence that the publication occurred in a context of particular volatility (e.g., during active mutiny or widespread civil unrest), it will struggle to prove that a reasonable person would have foreseen the publication causing public fear and disturbance of peace.

4. COUNT THREE: ATTEMPTED FELONY

4.1 The Allegation

Count Three accuses Justice Crack of attempting to commit a felony by publishing what the prosecution describes as derogatory video and statements about the Nigerian Army.

The charge is brought under Section 509 of the Criminal Code Act.

4.2 The Statutory Provision

Section 509 of the Criminal Code Act provides:

“Any person who attempts to commit a felony of such a kind that a person convicted of it is liable to the punishment of death or of imprisonment for a term of fourteen years or upwards, with or without other punishment, is guilty of a felony and is liable, if no other punishment is provided, to imprisonment for seven years.”

“Any person who attempts to commit a felony of any other kind is liable, if no other punishment is provided, to a punishment equal to one half of the greatest punishment to which an offender convicted of the felony which he attempted to commit is liable.”

4.3 Decided Cases on Section 509 and Attempted Felony

Mayaki v. Registrar, Magistrate Court (1990)

In Mayaki v. Registrar, Magistrate Court (decided 4th January 1990), the Court of Appeal had occasion to consider the nature of charges under Section 509 of the Criminal Code. The 3rd Respondent (accused person) was charged before the Magistrate Court for the offence of attempt to commit felony, to wit murder, contrary to section 509 of the Criminal Code Law of Lagos State.

The Appellants (complainants) applied to the Lagos High Court for orders of certiorari and prohibition, arguing that the Magistrate lacked jurisdiction to try the indictable offence of attempted murder. The court dismissed the application, and the appeal to the Court of Appeal was also dismissed.

The Court of Appeal held that:

“The offence with which the 3rd Respondent was charged as disclosed on the printed record of proceedings was attempted murder. It is an indictable offence. The accused person elected summary trial. The 2nd Respondent before whom the 3rd Respondent was arraigned was a Magistrate Grade I… The law gives a Magistrate Grade I power to impose a maximum sentence of three years. Therefore, as the law now stands all Magistrates other than a Magistrate Grade 3 have jurisdiction to try indictable offences in Lagos State subject to the accused person electing summary trial.” 

The court further noted that while the Magistrate has jurisdiction to try the offence, “The Magistrate will however not be able to impose any punishment greater than that stated in Section 18(5)(c) of the Magistrates’ Court Law as amended”.

Significance for Justice Crack’s Case:

The Mayaki case establishes that a charge under Section 509 is procedurally valid and can be tried by a magistrate or high court. However, the case also underscores that for an attempt charge to be sustainable, the underlying felony must be clearly identified. In Mayaki, the underlying felony was “murder,” which was explicitly stated.

Rex v. Anthony Enahoro (1947) – Incitement Distinguished

While not directly on Section 509, the case of Rex v. Anthony Enahoro (1947) from the West African Court of Appeal provides important guidance on what constitutes incitement, which may be the underlying felony alleged in Justice Crack’s case.

The appellant was convicted under Section 44(a) of the Criminal Code for advisedly attempting to seduce members of the Nigeria Police Force from their duty and allegiance. He had uttered words at a public meeting suggesting that police should not fire on citizens in the event of a riot.

The Court of Appeal upheld the conviction but provided important interpretive guidance, distinguishing between Section 44(a) and Section 45(b) of the Criminal Code:

“The real distinction is between advisedly attempting to seduce members of the Police Force from their duty and allegiance, that is to say, a deliberate attempt so to seduce them generally should certain events arise, and attempting to induce them, possibly on the spur of the moment, to disobey a specific order given them by a superior officer. The first strikes at the very basis of duty and allegiance, so that whenever certain circumstances shall arise they shall fail therein. The second aims at securing disobedience to a specific order given at a particular time.” 

The court held that to attempt to induce police to disobey their officers in the event of being ordered to quell a riot is an attempt to seduce them from their duty and allegiance to His Majesty.

Regarding the word “advisedly,” the court noted: “the word ‘advisedly’ as it appears in the relevant section… is equivalent to ‘knowingly'” .

Significance for Justice Crack’s Case:

The Enahoro case establishes a significant precedent: incitement requires a deliberate attempt to cause disaffection or disobedience, not merely criticism or commentary. The court specifically noted that the distinction is between “a deliberate attempt so to seduce them generally should certain events arise” and other forms of expression.

4.4 The Nwankwo Precedent: Constitutional Limits on Criminal Speech Laws

The binding precedent of Arthur Nwankwo v. The State (1985) establishes that criminalising criticism of the government is unconstitutional, serving as a strong defense against sedition or incitement charges.

A crucial precedent that bears directly on the constitutional validity of charges like those against Justice Crack is Arthur Nwankwo v. The State (1985) 6 NCLR 228.

In that case, the Anambra State High Court convicted and sentenced Nwankwo to one year imprisonment for publishing a book which had exposed corrupt practices under Governor Jim Nwobodo of Anambra State. The Court of Appeal set aside the conviction and sentence on the grounds that section 51 of the Criminal Code which provided for sedition was illegal and unconstitutional.

Speaking for the court, Justice Olajide Olatawura (as he then was) held:

“We are no longer the illiterates or the mob society our colonial masters had in mind when the law was promulgated…To retain S. 51 of the Criminal Code, in its present form, that is even if not inconsistent with the freedom of expression guaranteed by our Constitution will be a deadly weapon to be used at will by a corrupt government or a tyrant…Let us not diminish from the freedom gained from our colonial masters by resorting to laws enacted by them to suit their purpose.” 

Justice Olatawura further stated:

“The decision of the founding fathers of this present Constitution which guarantees freedom of speech which must include freedom to criticize should be praised and any attempt to derogate from it except as provided in the Constitution must be resisted. Those in public office should not be intolerant of criticism. Where a writer exceeds the bounds there should be a resort to the law of libel where the plaintiff must of necessity put his character and reputation in issue.” 

Significance for Justice Crack’s Case:

The Nwankwo case is directly relevant and potentially fatal to the prosecution’s case. The Court of Appeal explicitly declared that sedition laws (and by extension, laws that criminalise criticism of government and its institutions) are inconsistent with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression. Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Femi Falana, has cited this case in calling for the withdrawal of criminal charges against critics of public officials.

Falana has argued: “In view of the cautionary words of the Court of Appeal in Nwankwo v The State (supra), it is submitted that the resort to criminal libel and sedition by public officers to settle scores with critics and political opponents is illegal in every material particular” .

The prosecution’s argument that Justice Crack’s publication constitutes an “attempted felony” (presumably incitement or sedition) must be considered in light of this binding appellate authority.

4.5 The Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan Precedent (2025)

More recently, in 2025, Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was charged with criminal defamation for allegedly defaming the Senate President. The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) and Femi Falana (SAN) called for the immediate withdrawal of the charges.

SERAP argued that the charges violated Section 39 of the 1999 Constitution and Nigeria’s international obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Falana specifically cited the Nwankwo case in his demand for withdrawal of the charges.

Significance for Justice Crack’s Case:

The Akpoti-Uduaghan case demonstrates that there is growing judicial and legal opinion that criminalising speech through laws like sedition, criminal libel, and related provisions is constitutionally suspect. While the case did not proceed to a final judgment, the legal arguments made by SERAP and Falana represent persuasive authority that courts may adopt.

4.6 The Actual Position of the Law

For an Attempted Felony charge under Section 509 to be valid, the prosecution must clearly identify the specific underlying felony the accused allegedly attempted to commit.

What Constitutes an “Attempt”?

Under Nigerian criminal law, an attempt to commit an offence consists of:

  1. An intent to commit the substantive offence (mens rea)
  2. An act done towards the commission of that offence (actus reus)
  3. That goes beyond mere preparation.

What is the Underlying Felony?

Critically, Section 509 is not a standalone offence. It creates liability for attempting to commit another felony. Therefore, to charge someone under Section 509, the prosecution must first identify the specific felony that the accused allegedly attempted to commit.

The charge sheet in Justice Crack’s case does not publicly specify which felony he is alleged to have attempted. The charge merely states that he attempted to commit a felony by publishing derogatory videos and statements about the military.

4.7 Does This Charge Hold Water?

The Case for the Prosecution:

The prosecution might argue that Justice Crack attempted to commit either inciting to mutiny (under Section 44 of the Criminal Code) or sedition. However, the Enahoro case requires proof of a deliberate attempt to cause disaffection, not merely criticism.

The Case for the Defence:

The defence has very strong arguments against this charge:

  1. Failure to Specify the Underlying Felony: For an attempt charge to be valid, the prosecution must clearly identify the substantive felony that was allegedly attempted. Unlike in Mayaki v. Registrar, where the underlying felony (murder) was explicitly stated, this charge does not appear to specify the underlying felony. This alone may render the charge defective.
  2. No Act Beyond Preparation: Even if an underlying felony were specified, the prosecution would need to prove that Justice Crack did an act “towards the commission” of that felony that went beyond mere preparation. Publishing a video about feeding conditions, without more, is likely to be characterised as preparation (or mere expression) rather than an attempt.
  3. Mere Expression is Not an Attempt: In a democratic society governed by the rule of law, mere expression of opinion, even harsh or derogatory opinion, does not constitute an attempt to commit a crime unless accompanied by acts that directly advance criminal objectives.
  4. The Nwankwo Constitutional Bar: The Court of Appeal in Nwankwo v. The State declared that criminalising speech that criticises government is unconstitutional. This binding precedent may render the entire basis of the charge invalid.
  5. Circularity Problem: If the publication itself is alleged to be the “act towards the commission” of an unnamed felony, and the publication is also protected speech under the Constitution, the charge becomes constitutionally suspect.

Verdict on Count Three: Very Weak Charge

This charge appears to be the weakest of the three. The apparent failure to specify the underlying felony is a potentially fatal defect. Even if that defect were cured, the Nwankwo precedent suggests that criminalising political speech through sedition or incitement laws may be unconstitutional. The Enahoro case requires proof of deliberate attempt to cause disaffection, a high standard that may not be met by merely reporting on soldier welfare.

5. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE THREE CHARGES

Count

Offence

Statutory Provision

Strength

Primary Weakness

Relevant Case Law

One

Cybercrime (false information)

S.24(1)(b), Cybercrimes Act

Moderate

Proving subjective knowledge of falsity and specific intent

Oloketuyi (2015) – established pattern of prosecution

Two

Breach of peace

S.59, Criminal Code

Weak

Tenuous link to public peace disturbance; vagueness concerns

Ibirogba (2016) – similar charge but not substantively interpreted

Three

Attempted felony

S.509, Criminal Code

Very weak

No underlying felony specified; Nwankwo constitutional bar

Mayaki (1990); Enahoro (1947); Nwankwo (1985)

6.1 The Tension Between Free Speech and Criminal Law

⚠
The prosecution of Justice Crack highlights the ongoing tension between the use of criminal statutes to regulate online speech and the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression in Nigeria.

The prosecution of Justice Crack highlights a recurring tension in Nigerian law: the use of criminal statutes to regulate online speech. As SERAP argued in the Akpoti-Uduaghan case, “Criminal defamation laws and lawsuits are inconsistent and incompatible with section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution and the country’s international obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights”.

6.2 The Nwankwo Doctrine

The Court of Appeal’s decision in Nwankwo v. The State (1985) established an important constitutional principle: sedition laws and laws that criminalise criticism of government are unconstitutional under Nigeria’s democratic framework. Justice Olatawura’s warning that such laws will be “a deadly weapon to be used at will by a corrupt government or a tyrant” remains prophetic.

6.3 The Role of Civil Remedies

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Civil remedies, such as defamation lawsuits, are the appropriate legal recourse for exceeding the bounds of free speech, rather than resorting to criminal prosecution.

One of the central critiques of using criminal law for speech-related offences is the availability of civil remedies. As Justice Olatawura stated in Nwankwo: “Where a writer exceeds the bounds there should be a resort to the law of libel where the plaintiff must of necessity put his character and reputation in issue”.

The Nigerian Army or the government could have sued Justice Crack for defamation in a civil court, seeking damages rather than imprisonment. The resort to criminal prosecution suggests, as some have argued, a desire to punish rather than merely to protect reputations.

6.4 The Burden of Proof

In all three counts, the prosecution bears the burden of proving every element beyond reasonable doubt. The high standard of proof in criminal cases is a significant protection for the accused. The defence does not need to prove innocence; it only needs to raise reasonable doubt as to any essential element.

7. POSSIBLE DEFENCES AND APPLICABLE CASE LAW

Justice Crack’s legal team may advance the following defences, supported by the cited case law:

  1. Truth/Reasonable Belief: If the statement about inadequate feeding of soldiers is true, or if Justice Crack had reasonable grounds for believing it to be true, the knowledge-of-falsity element of Count One is negated. The Army’s own investigation was triggered by soldier complaints, supporting this defence.
  2. Public Interest: The predominant purpose of the publication was public interest advocacy, not causing annoyance or ill-will. This negates the specific intent requirement under Section 24(1)(b).
  3. Constitutional Protection – Nwankwo DoctrineArthur Nwankwo v. The State (1985) 6 NCLR 228 establishes that criminalising criticism of government is unconstitutional. This is potentially the strongest defence against Counts Two and Three.
  4. Lack of Proximate Causation: The publication did not cause and was not likely to cause any actual breach of public peace, distinguishing this case from situations where there is clear evidence of public disorder.
  5. Defective Charge – Mayaki Principle: Following Mayaki v. Registrar, Magistrate Court (1990), a charge under Section 509 must specify the underlying felony. The apparent failure to do so may render Count Three legally defective.
  6. No Attempt – Enahoro Distinction: The Rex v. Enahoro (1947) case distinguishes between deliberate attempts to cause disaffection and mere commentary. Justice Crack’s conduct, if only reporting on welfare, falls on the commentary side of this distinction.

8. CONCLUSION

8.1 Summary of Findings

After a detailed analysis of each charge against the applicable provisions of Nigerian law and binding judicial precedents, the following conclusions emerge:

Count One (Cybercrime): This charge has legal substance based on the pattern established in Oloketuyi (2015). However, it faces significant evidentiary hurdles. Proving that Justice Crack knew the information was false and that his dominant purpose was to cause ill-will (rather than to inform the public) will be challenging for the prosecution.

Count Two (Breach of Peace): This charge is on weaker footing. The Ibirogba (2016) case shows that such charges have been brought, but the connection between a report about soldier feeding and a likely breach of public peace is tenuous. The Nwankwo doctrine also casts constitutional doubt on this charge.

Count Three (Attempted Felony): This is the weakest charge. The apparent failure to specify the underlying felony is a potentially fatal defect under the principles illustrated in Mayaki v. Registrar (1990). Even if cured, the Enahoro (1947) case requires proof of a deliberate attempt to cause disaffection, and the Nwankwo (1985) precedent may render criminalisation of such speech unconstitutional.

8.2 The Weight of Binding Precedent

The most significant legal authority favouring Justice Crack is Arthur Nwankwo v. The State (1985) 6 NCLR 228. The Court of Appeal’s declaration that sedition laws are “a deadly weapon to be used at will by a corrupt government or a tyrant” and that they are inconsistent with the constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression is binding on all lower courts.

Femi Falana (SAN) has properly invoked this precedent in calling for the withdrawal of criminal charges against critics of public officials, stating that “the resort to criminal libel and sedition by public officers to settle scores with critics and political opponents is illegal in every material particular”.

8.3 The Broader Implications

Regardless of the outcome of this specific case, the prosecution of Justice Crack raises important questions about the state of free speech in Nigeria. The use of criminal law to regulate online commentary about government institutions, particularly the military, has a chilling effect on public discourse.

The Nigerian courts have historically risen to the occasion when fundamental rights are threatened. The Court of Appeal did so in Nwankwo in 1985. The question is whether the Federal High Court in 2026 will follow that binding precedent and protect free speech rights in the digital age.

8.4 Final Assessment

To answer the central question: Do the charges hold water?

  • Count One: Partially holds water, but the prosecution’s evidentiary burden is high.
  • Count Two: Barely holds water; the link to public peace is weak, and the Nwankwo doctrine raises constitutional concerns.
  • Count Three: Does not hold water; the charge appears legally defective and may be unconstitutional under Nwankwo.

The strength of the prosecution’s case will ultimately depend on evidence that has not yet been publicly disclosed. However, the binding precedents of the Court of Appeal, particularly Nwankwo v. The State, provide a robust legal framework for the defence to challenge the constitutionality of criminalising political speech.

What is clear is that this case will be closely watched as a test of Nigeria’s commitment to free speech, the rule of law, and the proper limits of criminal prosecution for online expression.

TABLE OF CASES CITED

Case Name Citation Court Relevance
Arthur Nwankwo v. The State (1985) 6 NCLR 228 Court of Appeal Declared sedition laws unconstitutional; binding authority that criminalising criticism of government violates free speech
Rex v. Anthony Enahoro (1947) LJR-WACA West African Court of Appeal Defines “advisedly” as “knowingly”; distinguishes between incitement and commentary
Mayaki v. Registrar, Magistrate Court (1990) 4 January 1990 Court of Appeal Addresses Section 509 charges; requires underlying felony to be specified
Seun Oloketuyi 2015 (unreported) Federal High Court, Lagos Demonstrates pattern of prosecution under Section 24(1)(b)
Olugbenga Ibirogba 2016 (unreported) Lagos State High Court Demonstrates use of breach of peace provisions for publications

REFERENCES

  1. Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended)
  2. Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc.) Act, 2015 (as amended 2024)
  3. Criminal Code Act, Cap C38, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004
  4. African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, Cap A9, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004
  5. TheCable (2026). “DSS arraigns influencer over alleged attempt to incite soldiers” 
  6. The Guardian (2026). “Alleged Cybercrime: DSS arraigns Chidiebere Justice Mark trial for May 25” 
  7. The Eagle Online (2015). “Online Publisher remanded in prison for defamatory publication on Fidelity Bank MD” 
  8. The NEWS Nigeria (2015). “Nigerian blogger sent to jail over malicious publication” 
  9. Punch Newspapers (2016). “Ex-YABATECH bursar remanded for leaking college’s secret” 
  10. Tribune Online (2025). “Withdraw criminal libel charge against Natasha , Falana tells FG” 
  11. The NEWS Nigeria (2025). “Withdraw Charges Against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan” 

This article is provided for academic and informational purposes and does not constitute legal advice. The analysis is based on publicly available information and the applicable provisions of Nigerian law as of the date of publication. The author is not affiliated with any party to the litigation.

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THE JURISDICTIONAL CONUNDRUM: ANALYSING THE DETENTION OF JUSTICE CRACK BY THE NIGERIAN ARMY https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2026/05/03/the-jurisdictional-conundrum-analysing-the-detention-of-justice-crack-by-the-nigerian-army/ Sun, 03 May 2026 00:12:59 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=990895

THE JURISDICTIONAL CONUNDRUM: ANALYSING THE DETENTION OF JUSTICE CRACK BY THE NIGERIAN ARMY

Abstract

The arrest and prolonged detention of Justice Mark Chidiebere, popularly known as “Justice Crack,” by the Nigerian Army in April 2026 has ignited a critical legal debate regarding military jurisdiction over civilians, the limits of free speech in the digital age, and the constitutional safeguards against arbitrary detention. This article examines the factual circumstances surrounding the detention, analyses the Nigerian Army’s legal justifications, evaluates the constitutionality of the detention under the 1999 Constitution, considers the applicability of the Armed Forces Act to civilians, and assesses the legal implications of prolonged detention. The article argues that while the Nigerian Army may have legitimate concerns regarding subversion, its detention of Justice Crack raises serious constitutional questions about military jurisdiction over civilians and the right to personal liberty.

1. INTRODUCTION

On 28 April 2026, Justice Mark Chidiebere, a prominent Abuja-based social media influencer and commentator who operates under the alias “Justice Crack,” left his home after receiving a telephone call and promptly disappeared from communication with his family. His mobile phones remained switched off, and his family and associates were unable to locate him for several days, prompting public outcry and concern.

On 2 May 2026, the Nigerian Army issued a statement confirming that Justice Crack was in its custody. The Army explained that the arrest arose from an investigation into social media posts wherein Justice Crack highlighted complaints made by soldiers regarding their feeding and general welfare conditions. According to the Army’s official statement, preliminary investigations suggested that Justice Crack was not merely reporting on welfare issues but was actively engaged in “inciting soldiers to create discontent within the system” and had chats “bordering on subversion” with the soldiers.

The Army further disclosed that Justice Crack was arrested alongside “some of the soldiers involved,” and while the soldiers remain in military custody, the influencer was transferred to “the relevant civil authorities for further investigation and possible prosecution.” The Army linked the arrest to an alleged “breach of the Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy” and attempts to “misinform the public,” while maintaining that its actions were “within legal limits” and that it “remains committed to the rule of law.”

This article critically examines the legal framework governing military detention of civilians in Nigeria, assesses the constitutionality of Justice Crack’s detention, and explores the broader implications for civil-military relations and fundamental rights protection in Nigeria’s democratic dispensation.

2. FACTUAL BACKGROUND

2.1 The Arrest and Initial Silence

Justice Crack’s disappearance on 28 April 2026 triggered immediate concern from his family. His wife reported that he had never stayed away from home without notice and that all attempts to reach him proved futile. The family’s alarm was compounded by the initial failure of any security agency to confirm his whereabouts, a situation that the Nigerian Army later addressed on 2 May 2026.

2.2 The Nigerian Army’s Statement

The Army’s statement, signed by Acting Director of Army Public Relations, Colonel Appolonia Anele, articulated three primary justifications for the arrest:

  1. Alleged Breach of Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy: Justice Crack was accused of violating internal military regulations governing social media conduct.
  2. Alleged Incitement: The Army claimed that Justice Crack “seemed to be inciting soldiers to create discontent within the system” and provided “an example was a chat bordering on subversion which Chidiebere had with the soldiers.”
  3. National Security Concerns: The Army argued that “a situation where civilians cultivate vulnerable personnel towards acts of subversion has far-reaching implications on discipline and national security.”

2.3 The Transfer to Civil Authorities

Importantly, the Army stated that Justice Crack “has been handed over to the relevant civil authorities for further investigation and possible prosecution,” while the soldiers involved “remain in own custody.” This distinction raises immediate questions: If the Army had legitimate jurisdiction to arrest and detain Justice Crack, why was he transferred to civil authorities? And if the transfer was necessary because military jurisdiction over civilians is limited, was the initial military detention itself lawful?

2.4 Family and Public Reaction

Justice Crack’s wife issued a public appeal: “Please Nigerian government, bring my husband back to me, back to my children. They need their father.” Human rights activist and publisher Omoyele Sowore called for Chidiebere’s release, alleging he was detained for speaking out on alleged abuses and the welfare of frontline soldiers.

3. THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR PERSONAL LIBERTY

3.1 Section 35 of the 1999 Constitution

Section 35 of the 1999 Constitution guarantees personal liberty and mandates that detainees be brought before a court within a reasonable time.

The cornerstone of Nigeria’s protection against arbitrary detention is Section 35 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). This provision guarantees the right to personal liberty and strictly circumscribes the circumstances under which a person may be deprived of that liberty. The relevant portions of Section 35 provide:

“(1) Every person shall be entitled to his personal liberty and no person shall be deprived of such liberty save in the following cases and in accordance with a procedure permitted by law:

(a) in execution of the sentence or order of a court in respect of a criminal offence of which he has been found guilty;

(b) by reason of his failure to comply with the order of a court or in order to secure the fulfilment of any obligation imposed upon him by law;

(c) for the purpose of bringing him before a court in execution of the order of a court or upon reasonable suspicion of his having committed a criminal offence, or to such extent as may be reasonably necessary to prevent his committing a criminal offence…”

3.2 Procedural Safeguards Under Section 35

Section 35 further provides critical procedural safeguards for any arrested or detained person:

  • Right to silence: The arrested person has the right to remain silent until after consultation with a legal practitioner.
  • Right to be informed: Any person arrested or detained shall be informed in writing within twenty-four hours (and in a language he understands) of the facts and grounds for his arrest or detention.
  • Right to be brought before a court: Any person arrested or detained upon reasonable suspicion of having committed a criminal offence shall be brought before a court of law within a reasonable time.

3.3 The Time Limit for Pre-Trial Detention

A constitutionally significant aspect of Section 35 is the proviso that “a person who is charged with an offence and who has been detained in lawful custody awaiting trial shall not continue to be kept in such detention for a period longer than the maximum period of imprisonment prescribed for the offence.” This provision, while aimed at preventing indefinite pre-trial detention, also underscores the constitutional expectation that detention must be promptly regularised by formal charges and court proceedings.

3.4 Application to Justice Crack’s Case

Applying Section 35 to Justice Crack’s situation, several constitutional questions emerge. First, does the initial arrest by military personnel fall within any of the permissible exceptions to personal liberty? Second, was Justice Crack informed in writing within twenty-four hours of the facts and grounds for his arrest? Third, was he brought before a court within a reasonable time? If the answer to any of these questions is negative, the detention would prima facie violate Section 35 of the Constitution.

4.1 The General Rule: No Military Jurisdiction Over Civilians

The Nigerian Army lacks legal jurisdiction to arrest and detain civilians like Justice Crack, as established in precedents like Ola v. Nigerian Army.

It is a well-established principle of Nigerian constitutional law that the military lacks jurisdiction to arrest and detain civilians except in very limited and exceptional circumstances. The Court of Appeal has affirmed this principle in Ola v. Nigerian Army [2010] 2 NWLR (Pt. 1179) 469, where the court ruled that the Nigerian Army has no right to detain a civilian and that doing so is unconstitutional.

This principle reflects the fundamental distinction between military law, which governs service personnel, and the general criminal law, which governs civilians. As one commentator observed during the military era, even when the Constitution was suspended, courts “never hesitated to order the release of several persons whose detention was found to be patently illegal.”

4.2 The Allatchi Precedent

The locus classicus on military detention of civilians in Nigeria is Ahmed Allatchi & 243 Others v. Chief of Army Staff & 4 Others (1993). In that case, 244 persons were arrested by soldiers and policemen between October 1991 and March 1992 and detained at various military facilities without being charged to court.

The High Court of Justice of Borno State, in a ruling delivered on 2 September 1993, declared:

“I think they can’t be arrested without been told or charged to Court of Law as provided by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria under section 34 [now Section 35]. … The applicants do not fall under any of the exceptions. I think that their arrest and detention were both illegal, null and void.”

The court ordered the immediate release of all 244 applicants and perpetually restrained the respondents from deporting them. This case remains highly relevant to Justice Crack’s situation, as it explicitly holds that the military cannot arrest and detain civilians outside the constitutional exceptions.

4.3 The Conditions for Civilian Subjection to Military Law

Despite the general rule, there are limited circumstances under which a civilian may become subject to military law. Retired Major General Yusuf Shalangwa, a former Director of Legal Services of the Nigerian Army, has explained the two conditions under which civilians can be subject to court-martial under the Armed Forces Act:

“Condition one, such a civilian must have been employed or is an employee of a military establishment, a military department or unit. … The second condition is that it must have been during war or military operation. That’s why the Armed Forces Act says it must be during active service. Active service refers to when the military is engaged in serious military operations, like the Operation HADIN KAI and you committed an act which violates any of the provisions, any of the offences provided in part 12 of the Armed Forces Act, section 45 to 114 of the Armed Forces Act, such a civilian or journalist now becomes subject to the Act and can be tried by court martial…”

4.4 Application to Justice Crack

It is evident that Justice Crack does not satisfy either condition for civilian subjection to military law. He is not an employee of any military establishment, nor was he embedded with the military on any operational tour. His alleged activities occurred entirely online, as a civilian social media commentator, not during active service in a war or military operation.

Therefore, the Armed Forces Act should not apply to Justice Crack, and the Nigerian Army lacked the legal authority to arrest or detain him. The Army’s acknowledgment that he was “handed over to civil authorities” implicitly recognises this jurisdictional limitation, but it does not retroactively validate the initial military detention.

5.1 The Criminal Code Act

The Nigerian Army’s allegations against Justice Crack, incitement and subversion,find potential expression in the Criminal Code Act, which applies to civilians. The relevant provisions are:

Section 44: Inciting to Mutiny: This section provides that any person who advisedly attempts to incite any person serving in the Armed Forces of Nigeria to commit an act of mutiny or any traitorous or mutinous act is guilty of a felony and liable to imprisonment for life.

Section 45: Aiding and Inciting to Mutinous Acts or Disobedience: This section covers related acts of encouraging indiscipline among service members and carries a penalty of two years imprisonment and a fine.

5.2 The Distinction Between Advocacy and Incitement

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Discussing the welfare of security personnel is a matter of public interest protected under the constitutional right to freedom of expression, distinct from criminal incitement.

A critical legal distinction must be drawn between legitimate advocacy (or journalism) and criminal incitement. The Nigerian Army’s initial interest in Justice Crack arose from his social media posts “highlighting complaints by soldiers over feeding and welfare.” Reporting on poor conditions within the military, amplifying soldiers’ grievances, or criticising military leadership may be unpalatable to the authorities, but it does not necessarily constitute criminal incitement.

The Army alleged that Justice Crack “seemed to be inciting soldiers to create discontent within the system” and provided an example of “a chat bordering on subversion.” However, the specific content of this “chat” has not been publicly disclosed, nor has any evidence been presented to demonstrate that Justice Crack “advisedly” attempted to incite mutiny, as required by Section 44 of the Criminal Code.

The Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC) has argued that discussing the welfare of security personnel is a matter of public interest and falls under the constitutional right to freedom of expression, and that raising concerns about poor conditions or amplifying grievances should not be criminalised as “subversion” without clear and verifiable evidence.

5.3 The Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy: Internal Regulation, Not Law

ℹ
The Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy is an internal regulation binding only on military personnel and has no force of law over civilians.

A significant aspect of the Army’s justification is the alleged “breach of the Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy.” This raises a fundamental question: Does an internal military policy have the force of law applicable to civilians?

The answer is clearly no. The Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy is an internal administrative regulation binding only on military personnel as part of their service conditions. A civilian cannot be bound by an internal military directive, just as a private company cannot enforce its employee handbook on a non-employee. The mention of this policy as a justification for action against a civilian is legally untenable and suggests a misunderstanding (or deliberate misapplication) of the distinction between internal regulations and public laws.

6. THE PROLONGED DETENTION: CONSTITUTIONAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS IMPLICATIONS

6.1 The Right to a Fair Hearing Within Reasonable Time

Beyond the initial legality of the arrest, the prolonged nature of Justice Crack’s detention raises separate constitutional concerns. Section 35(4) of the Constitution requires that any person arrested or detained upon reasonable suspicion of having committed a criminal offence shall be brought before a court of law within a reasonable time.

What constitutes a “reasonable time” has been the subject of judicial interpretation, but it is generally understood to mean that the detainee must be charged and brought before a court within 24 to 48 hours, or as soon as practically possible given the circumstances. Prolonged detention without charge violates this constitutional guarantee.

Justice Crack’s family reported that he was unable to communicate with them for several days after his arrest, and his phones remained switched off. This raises concerns about incommunicado detention, which is prohibited by several international human rights instruments to which Nigeria is a party, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights.

Section 35(2) of the Constitution guarantees the right of an arrested person to consult with a legal practitioner or any other person of his own choice. If Justice Crack was denied access to his family and legal representation, this would constitute an additional constitutional violation.

6.3 The Burden of Justification on the State

In all cases of detention, the burden of proving the legality of the detention rests on the detaining authority. In Ahmed Allatchi’s case, the court noted that the respondents (military authorities) had been served and were not in court to explain why the applicants were arrested and detained, and their counter-affidavit denied arresting and detaining the applicants. The court nonetheless declared the detention illegal.

The Nigerian Army’s statement that Justice Crack “has been handed over to the relevant civil authorities” suggests that he may no longer be in military custody. However, transfer to another agency does not cure the illegality of the initial detention, nor does it eliminate the constitutional requirement that he be charged or released within a reasonable time.

7. COMPARATIVE JURISPRUDENCE: LESSONS FROM THE MILITARY ERA

The current situation bears uncomfortable similarities to past episodes in Nigeria’s history when the military detained civilians without trial. Legal historian Femi Falana (himself a former detainee under the Buhari military regime) documented how, even during the military era, courts regularly ordered the release of illegally detained persons.

Notable cases from the Buhari military regime (1984-1985) include:

  • Lamina Lawal Arowoye & 6 Others v. Inspector-General of Police: The court declared the detention illegal on the grounds that the detention orders cited “acts prejudicial to public order” when the Decree required “acts prejudicial to State Security.”
  • Dr. Tai Solarin v. Inspector-General of Police & 2 Ors: The court ordered the immediate release of the applicant, holding that “the respondents have failed to discharge the onus placed on them to establish the legal justification for the detention of the Applicant.”
  • Maxwell Okudoh v. Commissioner of Police: Justice Oguntade (as he then was) held that the Chief of Staff could not detain for “acts prejudicial to public order” when the Decree specified other grounds, and ordered the applicant’s release.

These cases establish an important principle: even when detention is authorised by decree (let alone when it is not), courts will scrutinise the legality of detention and order release where the legal requirements are not strictly satisfied.

8. EVALUATION OF THE NIGERIAN ARMY’S POSITION

8.1 The Army’s Stated Justifications

The Nigerian Army’s position rests on several pillars:

  1. Jurisdiction: The Army claims the authority to arrest civilians for acts subversive to military discipline.
  2. Substantive Offence: Justice Crack is alleged to have committed acts bordering on subversion and incitement.
  3. Procedural Compliance: The Army claims to have acted “within the ambits of the law” and to have transferred Justice Crack to civil authorities.
⚠
Transferring a civilian detainee to civil authorities does not retroactively validate an initially unlawful military detention.

Each of these justifications is vulnerable to legal challenge:

On Jurisdiction: The weight of judicial authority, including Ola v. Nigerian Army and Ahmed Allatchi v. Chief of Army Staff, establishes that the military lacks jurisdiction to arrest and detain civilians outside the limited exceptions in the Armed Forces Act. Justice Crack does not fall within any of those exceptions.

On Substantive Offence: The constitutional right to freedom of expression protects political speech and commentary on matters of public interest. The line between protected speech and criminal incitement is a matter for judicial determination, not military flat. The Army’s reliance on an internal “Social Media Policy” as justification exposes the weakness of its substantive case.

On Procedural Compliance: Transferring a detainee to civil authorities does not retroactively validate military detention. If the initial arrest was unlawful, the fact of transfer does not cure the illegality. Moreover, the continued detention by civil authorities must satisfy constitutional requirements, including timely charge and court production.

9. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

9.1 Summary of Findings

This analysis leads to the following conclusions:

  1. The Nigerian Army lacked legal jurisdiction to arrest and detain Justice Crack as a civilian, except in circumstances not present in this case. The general rule of Nigerian law is that military detention of civilians is unconstitutional.
  2. The Armed Forces’ Social Media Policy has no force of law over civilians and cannot justify the arrest or detention of a social media commentator.
  3. The prolonged detention raises serious constitutional concerns, particularly regarding Section 35 of the 1999 Constitution, which guarantees the right to personal liberty and requires timely charge and court production.
  4. The burden lies on the state to justify the detention, and the justifications offered to date appear legally insufficient.
  5. The circumstances of this case mirror historical episodes where Nigerian courts ordered the release of civilians illegally detained by the military, even during periods of military rule when fundamental rights were technically suspended.

9.2 Recommendations

✔
Civil authorities must either charge Justice Crack with a recognizable criminal offence before a competent court or release him immediately to comply with constitutional obligations.

Based on the foregoing analysis, the following recommendations are offered:

For the Nigerian Army:

  • Clarify the legal basis for its assertion of jurisdiction over civilians in this case.
  • Avoid reliance on internal policies (such as the Social Media Policy) as justifications for actions against civilians.
  • Ensure that any future actions against civilians strictly comply with constitutional limitations on military jurisdiction.

For the Civil Authorities:

  • If Justice Crack is in their custody, they are constitutionally obliged to either charge him with a recognisable criminal offence before a court of competent jurisdiction or release him immediately.
  • The continued detention of Justice Crack without charge violates Section 35 of the Constitution.

For the Judiciary:

  • Should an application for enforcement of fundamental rights be brought, the courts must assert their constitutional role as guardians of personal liberty, as they have done in previous cases such as Ahmed Allatchi and the military-era cases documented by Falana.

For Civil Society and the Legal Community:

  • Create awareness on citizen’s fundamental rights.
  • Advocate for clearer legislative and policy guidance on the limits of military jurisdiction over civilians in counter-terrorism and internal security operations.

For the National Assembly:

  • Consider legislative action to clarify the scope of military jurisdiction over civilians, ensuring that such jurisdiction is strictly limited and subject to judicial oversight.

10. POSTSCRIPT

At the time of writing, Justice Crack remains in the custody of “relevant civil authorities” according to the Nigerian Army’s statement. His family reports that he has been unable to communicate with them. The coming days will be critical in determining whether he will be formally charged in a civilian court or released.

The case of Justice Crack is not merely about one individual. It is a test of Nigeria’s commitment to constitutionalism, the rule of law, and the protection of fundamental rights in an era of expanding security operations and securitised responses to online speech. The Nigerian courts have historically risen to the occasion when fundamental rights are threatened. Whether they will do so again remains to be seen.

REFERENCES

  1. Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended)
  2. Criminal Code Act, Cap C38, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004
  3. Armed Forces Act, Cap A20, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004
  4. Ahmed Allatchi & 243 Ors v. Chief of Army Staff & 4 Ors (1993) (Unreported) Borno State High Court
  5. Ola v. Nigerian Army [2010] 2 NWLR (Pt. 1179) 469
  6. African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act, Cap A9, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 2004
  7. Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules, 2009

This article is provided for academic and informational purposes and does not constitute legal advice. Persons seeking legal redress should consult a qualified legal practitioner.

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The Constitutional and Political Implications of Mass Defections to the APC in Nigeria https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2025/06/15/the-constitutional-and-political-implications-of-mass-defections-to-the-apc-in-nigeria/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2025/06/15/the-constitutional-and-political-implications-of-mass-defections-to-the-apc-in-nigeria/#respond Sun, 15 Jun 2025 20:16:19 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=4509

Abstract

The recent surge in defections of high-profile political figures to the All Progressives Congress (APC), Nigeria’s ruling party, raises critical constitutional, legal, and democratic concerns. This article examines the legal framework governing defections in Nigeria, the loopholes exploited by defectors, and the broader consequences on political accountability, party democracy, and the rule of law. While party-switching is not new in Nigeria, the scale and frequency of recent movements warrant a more robust legal and institutional response.


1. Introduction

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has been characterized by a fluid and transactional political culture, where party loyalty is secondary to access to state power. In recent times, a noticeable pattern has emerged—prominent politicians are defecting en masse to the All Progressives Congress (APC), particularly in the wake of the 2023 general elections. These defections are not ideologically motivated, but often driven by political survival, ambition, and access to privileges associated with proximity to the federal government.

This article interrogates the legal regime governing defections in Nigeria and explores whether the current constitutional and statutory provisions are sufficient to safeguard the sanctity of party politics and democratic accountability.


2. Legal Framework on Party Defections in Nigeria

The principal legal instrument regulating defections in Nigeria is the 1999 Constitution (as amended), specifically Section 68(1)(g) and Section 109(1)(g), which apply to members of the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly, respectively.

2.1 Section 68(1)(g), 1999 Constitution:

“A member of the Senate or of the House of Representatives shall vacate his seat… if being a person whose election to the House was sponsored by a political party, he becomes a member of another political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected:
Provided that his membership of the latter political party is not as a result of a division in the political party of which he was previously a member or of a merger of two or more political parties or factions by one of which he was previously sponsored.”

This provision is replicated in Section 109(1)(g) for state legislators.

2.2 The “Division” Exception

Most defectors invoke the “division” exception to justify their actions. However, the interpretation of what constitutes a “division” has been the subject of judicial clarification.

In Abegunde v. Ondo State House of Assembly (2015) LPELR-24588(SC), the Supreme Court held that:

“The division must be substantial, tangible, and recognizable; not a mere internal wrangling or leadership dispute within the party.”

Despite this clear interpretation, the term continues to be exploited, with defectors alleging “crisis” or “factionalism” within their party to avoid losing their seats.


3. Causes of the Mass Defections to the APC

The legal justification for defections is often a smokescreen. The real motivations can be broadly classified as follows:

3.1 Access to Political Patronage

Defectors are often drawn to the ruling party due to the opportunities it offers—appointments, contracts, immunity from investigation, and control over political machinery. This reality creates a de facto incentive structure that favors alignment with the party at the center.

3.2 Weak Internal Democracy

Many opposition parties are plagued by internal leadership crises, lack of transparency in candidate selection, and the dominance of godfathers. Politicians disillusioned with such systems find a better “negotiation” platform in the APC.

3.3 Pre-Election Positioning

With 2027 in sight, many defectors are repositioning themselves politically to secure nominations or protect their existing seats. The APC provides the platform with the greatest leverage at this time.

3.4 Avoidance of Prosecution

There is a widely held public perception—though unproven—that defection to the ruling party reduces the likelihood of prosecution by anti-corruption agencies. While this is difficult to establish legally, the circumstantial pattern gives credence to this suspicion.


4. Legal and Democratic Implications

4.1 Erosion of Political Accountability

When elected officials switch parties without consequence, they betray the mandate of the electorate, who voted based on party platforms and manifestos. This undermines representative democracy and distorts the electoral mandate.

4.2 Weakening of the Opposition

Democracy thrives on viable opposition. Mass defections to the ruling party weaken dissent, reduce checks and balances, and entrench one-party dominance. This leads to legislative complacency and executive overreach.

4.3 Institutional Complicity

The failure of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the courts to enforce constitutional provisions strictly has contributed to the normalization of unlawful defections. Often, political pressure or judicial delays frustrate the process of declaring seats vacant.


5. Reform Recommendations

To curb the abuse of defections and restore integrity to Nigeria’s political system, the following legal and institutional reforms are proposed:

  • Constitutional Amendment: Remove or clarify the “division” clause to prevent its misuse. Defection should only be allowed if a party has been legally dissolved or merged.

  • INEC Enforcement Powers: Amend the Electoral Act to give INEC the authority to unilaterally declare seats vacant upon verified defection, subject to judicial review.

  • Judicial Timeliness: Establish special electoral tribunals or fast-track mechanisms to handle defection-related disputes within a maximum of 90 days.

  • Mandate Protection Laws: Introduce laws that tie political office more closely to the sponsoring party, particularly for legislative seats and executive positions, making such seats automatically void upon defection.


6. Conclusion

The wave of defections to the APC is more than a political phenomenon—it is a legal and constitutional challenge that tests the resilience of Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Until the legal regime is reformed to reflect the principle of political accountability, defections will remain a recurring feature of Nigerian politics. It is not enough to condemn these actions morally; the law must evolve to protect the sanctity of democratic choice and ensure that elected office is not reduced to a game of convenience.

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The Right of Nigerians to Criticize Their Government and Demand Accountability Introduction https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2025/03/19/the-right-of-nigerians-to-criticize-their-government-and-demand-accountability-introduction/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2025/03/19/the-right-of-nigerians-to-criticize-their-government-and-demand-accountability-introduction/#respond Wed, 19 Mar 2025 09:15:23 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=4326

Introduction

Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria has experienced a complex interplay between governance and public criticism. Successive administrations have adopted varying approaches to address dissent, ranging from suppression to engagement, reflecting the nation’s evolving political landscape.

Democracy thrives on the ability of citizens to voice their opinions, challenge their leaders, and demand accountability. In Nigeria, this right is not just an ideal but a constitutionally protected principle that plays a crucial role in promoting good governance, transparency, and the fight against corruption. However, despite these legal protections, citizens often face significant challenges when exercising this right. This article delves into the legal foundations, societal role, obstacles, and the future of Nigerians’ ability to hold their government accountable.

Early Post-Independence Era

In the immediate aftermath of independence, Nigeria’s leadership grappled with nation-building challenges. The administration of General Yakubu Gowon (1966–1975) faced significant criticism over corruption and inefficiency. In response, the government established commissions like the Udoji Public Service Review Commission in 1974, aiming to overhaul the public service for enhanced professionalism. However, the implementation of such reforms was often hampered by institutional weaknesses and a lack of political will.

Military Regimes and Press Freedom

The military era, particularly under General Olusegun Obasanjo (1976–1979), was marked by strained relations with the press. The government frequently shut down newspapers and intimidated journalists to suppress dissenting voices. Notably, in 1977, the compound of musician and activist Fela Kuti was raided and destroyed after confrontations with military personnel, exemplifying the regime’s intolerance for criticism.

Structural Adjustment Program Protests

The late 1980s witnessed widespread protests against the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) introduced by General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration. The government’s reaction included closing educational institutions and banning student unions, reflecting a tendency to suppress organized dissent rather than engage in dialogue.

Transition to Civilian Rule and Press Freedom

With the return to civilian rule in 1999, there was an expectation of greater tolerance for criticism. The new constitution protected freedom of expression, but the simultaneous enactment of defamation laws raised concerns about potential abuses to limit free speech. While the media environment improved, challenges persisted, indicating a complex relationship between the government and the press.

Recent Developments and Public Engagement

In recent years, the Nigerian government’s response to criticism has varied. The #EndSARS movement in 2020, protesting police brutality, led to the disbandment of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) but also resulted in violent crackdowns on protesters, highlighting ongoing challenges in government-citizen engagement.

Furthermore, the administration of President Bola Tinubu has faced public discontent over economic hardships, leading to protests during the 64th independence anniversary. The government’s communication strategy has been criticized as combative and reactionary, often failing to effectively engage with the populace and address their concerns.

The Legal Foundations of Free Expression

Nigeria’s legal system upholds the right to criticize the government and seek transparency through several key laws:

  1. The 1999 Constitution (as amended)
    • Section 39 guarantees the right to freedom of expression, ensuring that Nigerians can share ideas and opinions without interference.
    • Section 22 places the responsibility on the media to hold the government accountable.
    • Section 14(2)(c) affirms that governance must include citizen participation in accordance with constitutional provisions.
  2. The Freedom of Information Act (2011)
    • This law gives Nigerians the right to access public records, reinforcing the principle of transparency and making it easier for citizens and the media to scrutinize government actions.
  3. International Commitments
    • Nigeria has ratified treaties such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, both of which emphasize free speech and government accountability.

How Citizens and the Media Hold the Government Accountable

Nigerians express their criticisms and demands for accountability through various channels:

  • Traditional Media: Newspapers, radio, and television serve as investigative tools, exposing misconduct and informing the public.
  • Social Media: Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp have revolutionized political discourse, enabling activism and mobilization.
  • Civil Society and Protest Movements: Movements such as #EndSARS have shown the power of collective action in influencing policy and governance.
  • Judicial Activism: Courts continue to play a key role in upholding free speech and ruling against attempts to silence dissent.

Challenges and Threats to Free Speech

Despite legal protections, Nigerians who criticize the government face numerous obstacles:

  • Harassment and Intimidation: Journalists, activists, and social commentators risk arrests, threats, and even detentions.
  • The Cybercrime Act (2015): Some provisions of this law have been misused to suppress online criticism of public officials.
  • Media Censorship and Crackdowns: Independent media outlets face sanctions, closures, and other forms of repression.
  • Arbitrary Arrests: High-profile cases, such as the detention of Omoyele Sowore, highlight the government’s attempt to curtail dissent.

Notable Instances of Government Crackdowns on Dissent

Several incidents in Nigeria demonstrate how the government has attempted to suppress criticism:

  • Omoyele Sowore’s Arrest (2019): The activist and founder of Sahara Reporters was arrested for organizing the #RevolutionNow protest, advocating for government accountability.
  • Samuel Ogundipe’s Detention (2018): A journalist for Premium Times was arrested for refusing to disclose his source in a report critical of the Nigerian government.
  • #EndSARS Crackdown (2020): The peaceful protests against police brutality were met with violent suppression, including the shooting of unarmed protesters at Lekki Toll Gate.
  • Twitter Ban (2021): The government suspended Twitter for several months after the platform deleted a controversial tweet by President Muhammadu Buhari, limiting free online discourse.

Strengthening the Right to Criticize and Demand Accountability

To ensure Nigerians can freely express their concerns and hold the government accountable, the following steps are crucial:

  1. Legal Reforms: Amending or repealing laws that are used to stifle free speech.
  2. Judicial Independence: Strengthening the impartiality of the judiciary in protecting constitutional rights.
  3. Civic Education: Raising awareness about citizens’ rights and legal mechanisms for challenging government overreach.
  4. Media Freedom: Encouraging independent journalism and protecting media outlets from government interference.

Conclusion

Over the decades, Nigerian governments have exhibited a spectrum of responses to criticism, from suppression to attempts at engagement. While there have been periods of progress, the consistent challenge remains establishing a governance culture that constructively addresses dissent, ensuring that policies and actions resonate positively with the aspirations of its citizens.

The right to criticize the government and demand accountability is not just a privilege but a fundamental necessity for a thriving democracy. While challenges persist, continued advocacy, legal reforms, and public awareness remain essential in safeguarding this right. A responsive and accountable government ultimately benefits the entire nation, fostering sustainable development and democratic stability.

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Understanding the Legal Status of Illegitimate Children Born to or During the Course of a Marriage in Nigeria https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/24/understanding-the-legal-status-of-illegitimate-children-born-to-or-during-the-course-of-a-marriage-in-nigeria/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/24/understanding-the-legal-status-of-illegitimate-children-born-to-or-during-the-course-of-a-marriage-in-nigeria/#respond Tue, 24 Dec 2024 04:06:51 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3922

In Nigeria, the concept of illegitimacy remains a complex and often misunderstood area of family law. Rooted in customary, statutory, and Islamic law practices, the rights and legal status of children born out of wedlock—or during the course of a marriage but not biologically belonging to the husband—have historically been a source of debate and legal uncertainty. However, with evolving societal norms and legal reforms, there is a growing shift toward protecting the rights and welfare of all children, regardless of their circumstances of birth.

Definition of Illegitimacy

In legal terms, an “illegitimate child” refers to a child born outside a lawful marriage or one whose paternity does not align with the husband in a subsisting marriage. For example, under customary law and some aspects of statutory law in Nigeria, a child born to a married woman is presumed to belong to her husband. This presumption is codified in Section 165 of the Evidence Act, which states:

“The fact that any person was born during the continuance of a valid marriage between his mother and any man, or within two hundred and eighty days after its dissolution, the mother remaining unmarried, shall be conclusive proof that he is the legitimate child of that man unless it can be shown that the parties to the marriage had no access to each other at any time when he could have been begotten.”

This legal presumption underscores the societal and legal expectation that a child born within a marriage is the husband’s offspring unless rebutted with credible evidence.

Legislative Framework Governing Illegitimacy

Nigeria operates a plural legal system, encompassing customary law, Islamic law, and statutory law, which all impact the treatment of illegitimate children:

  1. Customary Law: Customary practices vary across ethnic groups in Nigeria. In many communities, illegitimacy is treated with a degree of social stigma. A child born out of wedlock often lacks automatic recognition within the father’s lineage unless paternity is acknowledged through a traditional ceremony or other means.
  2. Islamic Law: Under Islamic law, a child born outside wedlock is not recognized as legitimate and may not inherit from the father. Islamic law prescribes strict guidelines for the determination of paternity and legitimacy within the context of marriage.
  3. Statutory Law: The Matrimonial Causes Act, the Child Rights Act, and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) provide a more progressive outlook. Section 42(2) of the Constitution prohibits discrimination against any citizen based on circumstances of birth, giving all children equal rights irrespective of their legitimacy.

Legal Presumption of Paternity in Marriage

Under statutory law, particularly the Evidence Act of Nigeria, there is a legal presumption that a child born during the subsistence of a marriage is the legitimate child of the husband. However, this presumption is rebuttable if evidence proves otherwise—for instance, through DNA testing or other credible evidence. The provision in Section 165 of the Evidence Act ensures that legitimacy is the default assumption to preserve family unity unless challenged.

Inheritance Rights

Inheritance rights remain one of the most contentious issues for illegitimate children in Nigeria. Under customary and Islamic law, an illegitimate child may be excluded from inheriting the father’s estate unless paternity is expressly acknowledged. In contrast, statutory law, particularly where the Child Rights Act has been adopted by a state, ensures that illegitimate children have equal inheritance rights. This conflict often leads to disputes, especially in communities where customary or Islamic law dominates.

Social Implications and Stigma

Despite legal reforms, societal attitudes toward illegitimacy continue to present challenges. In many Nigerian communities, illegitimate children often face social exclusion and a lack of acceptance. This stigma can have long-term effects on the child’s development, education, and emotional well-being.

Steps to Protect the Rights of Illegitimate Children

To ensure the protection and integration of illegitimate children, the following measures are essential:

  1. Acknowledgment of Paternity: Fathers should be encouraged to acknowledge paternity, whether through traditional means, statutory declarations, or court processes, to confer legitimacy on the child.
  2. Equal Treatment under the Law: Nigerian courts should actively enforce the provisions of Section 42(2) of the Constitution to prevent discrimination based on birth status.
  3. Public Sensitization: Advocacy and education campaigns are necessary to address the stigma and promote the equal treatment of all children.
  4. Adoption of the Child Rights Act Nationwide: While some states have fully adopted the Act, others lag behind. Nationwide implementation is crucial to ensure uniform protection for children, regardless of legitimacy.

Judicial Intervention

Nigerian courts have increasingly demonstrated a willingness to protect the rights of illegitimate children, particularly in cases where discrimination or denial of rights is evident. For instance, courts have held that illegitimate children have a right to maintenance, education, and welfare from their biological parents.

Conclusion

While significant progress has been made in addressing the legal and social challenges faced by illegitimate children in Nigeria, much remains to be done. Comprehensive reforms, strict enforcement of existing laws, and societal reorientation are essential to eliminate discrimination and ensure that every child, irrespective of their circumstances of birth, enjoys equal rights and opportunities.

By fostering inclusivity and equality, Nigeria can ensure the welfare of all its children and uphold the principles of justice and human rights enshrined in its Constitution and international commitments.

 

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Defamation Laws in Nigeria: A Delicate Balance https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/14/defamation-laws-in-nigeria-a-delicate-balance/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/14/defamation-laws-in-nigeria-a-delicate-balance/#respond Sat, 14 Dec 2024 19:50:16 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3893

Defamation law in Nigeria is a complex and nuanced area, balancing the protection of individual reputations with the right to freedom of expression. It is governed by both civil and criminal law, making it both a tort and a crime. This intricate legal framework presents challenges and has been subject to criticisms and calls for reform.

Civil Defamation: Common Law Roots

Civil defamation in Nigeria is primarily rooted in common law principles inherited from English law and adapted to the Nigerian legal system. These claims are typically filed in the state High Courts, with the plaintiff seeking remedies such as damages and injunctions.

Damages aim to compensate the plaintiff for the harm inflicted upon their reputation, while injunctions can prevent the further publication of the defamatory material. Lagos State, being a major commercial hub, often witnesses higher damage awards in civil defamation cases, reflecting the heightened importance of reputation in a business-driven environment.

Criminal Defamation: Penal Statutes and Variations

Criminal defamation in Nigeria is governed by two distinct penal codes: the Criminal Code Act, applicable in the southern states, and the Penal Code Act, applicable in the northern states. Both codes criminalize defamation, categorizing it as a misdemeanor, and prescribing penalties that can include imprisonment, fines, or both.

The Criminal Code Act specifically addresses defamation in Sections 373 to 375, with Section 373 outlining the offense of publishing defamatory matter without lawful justification or excuse.

Northern states like Kaduna tend to enforce criminal defamation laws more strictly, often influenced by cultural and religious norms prevalent in those regions.

Elements of Defamation: Proving a Claim

To establish a defamation claim, whether civil or criminal, the plaintiff must prove the following key elements:

  1. False Statement: The statement must be demonstrably false, as truth serves as a complete defense against defamation.
  2. Publication: The false statement must have been communicated to at least one person other than the plaintiff, either in writing (libel) or verbally (slander). In the context of online defamation, publication is established when the defamatory content is accessible to individuals beyond the plaintiff.
  3. Reputation Damage: The statement must be demonstrably harmful to the plaintiff’s reputation, lowering their standing in the eyes of right-thinking members of society and potentially exposing them to hatred, ridicule, or professional harm.

Defenses and Privileges: Safeguarding Free Speech

Nigerian law acknowledges several defenses and privileges that can protect individuals from defamation claims:

  • Truth: As mentioned, truth is a complete defense.
  • Fair Comment: Honest opinions and criticisms on matters of public interest are protected, provided they are not motivated by malice.
  • Privilege: Certain communications are protected from defamation claims even if they are defamatory. This includes statements made during parliamentary proceedings or in judicial settings.
  • Conditional Privilege: Protects publications made in good faith and within specific contexts. Section 379 of the Criminal Code outlines various instances of conditional privilege, including statements made in internal disciplinary proceedings or extracts from official documents.

Corporate Criminal Liability: Holding Companies Accountable

Nigerian law recognizes the concept of “corporate personality,” allowing companies to be held liable for their actions, including defamation. The Companies and Allied Matters Act 2020 clarifies that actions taken by company representatives within their usual business capacity can be attributed to the company, making the company itself liable. This means that companies can be indicted for defamation if their publications or actions harm the reputation of an individual or another company.

Challenges and Criticisms: Striking a Delicate Balance

Despite its aim to protect reputations and uphold free speech, Nigeria’s defamation law faces challenges and criticisms.

  • Balancing Act: Striking a balance between protecting individual reputations and safeguarding the constitutional right to freedom of expression, enshrined in Section 39 of the Nigerian Constitution, remains a delicate and ongoing challenge.
  • Potential for Abuse: The use of criminal defamation laws to target journalists and activists has raised concerns about the potential chilling effect on free speech and media independence. The arrest of a journalist in Kano State for allegedly defaming a government official illustrates this concern.
  • Judicial Inefficiency: The lengthy judicial process often associated with defamation cases in Nigeria can lead to frustration and increased costs for litigants, further complicating the pursuit of justice.
  • Social Media’s Impact: The rise of social media platforms has presented new dimensions to defamation, with the rapid spread of information, both accurate and false, creating new challenges for the legal system. Courts in Abuja and Lagos have had to grapple with cases involving influencers and bloggers accused of online defamation, highlighting the need for legal modernization to effectively address the digital realm.

Recent Developments: Towards Decriminalization

Recent developments indicate a growing trend towards decriminalizing defamation in Nigeria:

  • Lagos State’s Decriminalization: Lagos State has decriminalized defamation through the Criminal Law of Lagos State 2015, representing a significant step towards safeguarding free speech. However, it is important to note that civil defamation claims remain actionable in the state.
  • Cybercrimes Act Amendment: The Cybercrimes Act of 2015 was recently amended to address concerns raised by the ECOWAS Community Court, narrowing the scope of criminal liability for online defamation. The amendment now focuses on publications that are specifically intended to incite violence or cause a breakdown of law and order.

Implications for Individuals and Businesses

The evolving landscape of defamation law in Nigeria presents significant implications for individuals and businesses operating within the country:

  • Awareness and Vigilance: Companies must remain aware of their potential liability, both criminal and civil, for defamation, particularly in states where it remains a criminal offense.
  • Content Review: Regular review of publications and online content is crucial to mitigating the risk of legal issues stemming from defamatory statements.
  • Understanding the Law: Individuals and businesses must stay informed about the complexities and nuances of defamation law in Nigeria to navigate the legal landscape effectively and protect both reputations and the right to free speech.

Conclusion: Navigating the Evolving Landscape

Defamation law in Nigeria is a dynamic and evolving area, reflecting the ongoing efforts to balance the protection of reputations with the preservation of free speech. The dual system of civil and criminal laws, coupled with the growing impact of social media, presents unique challenges. As the legal system adapts to these challenges, individuals and businesses must remain informed and vigilant to protect their interests and navigate this complex and nuanced legal domain.

 

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Dele Farotimi and the Nigerian Law of Defamation: A Case Study https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/14/dele-farotimi-and-the-nigerian-law-of-defamation-a-case-study/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/12/14/dele-farotimi-and-the-nigerian-law-of-defamation-a-case-study/#respond Sat, 14 Dec 2024 18:59:55 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3883

Dele Farotimi, a Nigerian human rights lawyer and activist, has become embroiled in a legal battle that underscores the complexities and challenges of the Nigerian law of defamation. This case highlights broader tensions between freedom of speech and the protection of individual reputation, as well as the potential misuse of legal mechanisms to suppress dissent.

Farotimi’s predicament stems from allegations made in his book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, which critiques various aspects of the Nigerian legal system. Among these critiques, he accuses prominent figures, including Afe Babalola, a highly respected Senior Advocate of Nigeria, of unethical practices such as influencing the judiciary to secure favorable judgments for clients. These claims have triggered significant legal repercussions, including civil, criminal, and professional disciplinary actions against Farotimi.

Legal Challenges Facing Farotimi

Farotimi currently faces a trifecta of legal challenges that illustrate the broader implications of defamation laws in Nigeria:

  1. Petition for Removal from the Roll of Legal Practitioners Babalola’s law firm has filed a petition seeking Farotimi’s disbarment. The petition alleges that his accusations violate the Rules of Professional Conduct for Legal Practitioners, accusing him of making false statements, engaging in unethical behavior, and tarnishing the reputation of the judiciary. If successful, this petition could end Farotimi’s legal career.

  2. Civil Defamation Suit Babalola has also initiated a civil defamation lawsuit against Farotimi, seeking N500 million in damages for reputational harm. Civil defamation cases allow individuals to seek monetary compensation for false statements that damage their reputation. This case highlights the tension between protecting reputations and safeguarding free expression in matters of public interest.

  3. Criminal Charges On the criminal front, the Nigerian police, acting on a petition by Babalola, have filed defamation and cyberbullying charges against Farotimi. Additionally, Farotimi faces a separate 12-count charge related to cybercrime, stemming from statements he made in a podcast and during a press conference. The use of criminal charges in defamation cases remains a contentious issue in Nigeria, where such laws have been criticized as tools for silencing critics.

The Controversy Over Criminal Defamation

Farotimi’s case reignites the debate over the appropriateness of criminal defamation laws in a democratic society. While many Commonwealth countries have abolished this offense, it persists in Nigeria, despite growing calls for reform. Critics argue that criminalizing defamation suppresses free speech, disproportionately targets journalists and activists, and is often weaponized by influential individuals to stifle dissent.

Jibrin Ibrahim, writing for Daily Trust, contends that defamation should be strictly a civil matter. He points to Section 4 of the Police Act 2020, which limits police involvement in civil disputes. Ibrahim criticizes the invocation of criminal defamation laws in Farotimi’s case, asserting that Babalola should have sought redress exclusively through civil proceedings rather than involving the police and criminal justice system.

Due Process Concerns

Farotimi’s arrest and detention have further raised concerns about due process and the potential abuse of power by influential figures. CCTV footage of his arrest, which depicted an aggressive approach more befitting the apprehension of a dangerous criminal, has drawn widespread criticism. Observers argue that such tactics are not only disproportionate but also reflect broader issues of inequality in the application of justice.

Farotimi’s Response

Throughout this ordeal, Farotimi has steadfastly maintained his innocence, asserting that his allegations are grounded in truth. He has rejected attempts by supporters, including former presidential candidate Peter Obi, to mediate or plead on his behalf. Farotimi insists on facing the legal process head-on, viewing it as an opportunity to present his evidence and defend his claims.

Historical Context of Defamation Laws in Nigeria

The Nigerian law of defamation has its roots in English common law, inherited during the colonial era. While it provides protections against false and damaging statements, it also raises concerns about its compatibility with modern democratic values. Historically, defamation laws have been wielded as tools of suppression, particularly under military regimes that sought to stifle opposition and control public discourse. Despite Nigeria’s return to civilian rule, remnants of these restrictive practices persist, as evidenced by the criminalization of defamation in some states.

International Perspectives on Defamation and Free Speech

Globally, there is a growing consensus that defamation should be addressed through civil remedies rather than criminal sanctions. Organizations like Article 19 and the United Nations Human Rights Committee have advocated for the decriminalization of defamation, emphasizing that criminal penalties for speech-related offenses are incompatible with international human rights standards. Countries such as Ghana, Kenya, and South Africa have made significant strides in reforming their defamation laws to better align with these principles, providing valuable lessons for Nigeria.

The Role of Public Interest in Defamation Cases

Farotimi’s case also brings into focus the role of public interest in defamation claims. Courts in jurisdictions around the world have increasingly recognized the need to protect speech that contributes to public debate, even when such speech is critical or uncomfortable. Farotimi’s allegations against Afe Babalola touch on issues of judicial integrity and systemic corruption, matters that are undeniably of public concern. The ability to critique powerful individuals and institutions without fear of retaliation is a cornerstone of accountability in any democratic society.

Broader Implications

The outcome of this case will have significant ramifications for freedom of expression in Nigeria. It raises critical questions about the boundaries of criticism, the protection of reputational rights, and the use of legal mechanisms to suppress dissent. Additionally, it underscores the urgent need for reform of defamation laws, particularly the abolition of criminal defamation, to align with international human rights standards.

Farotimi’s case is not just a legal battle but also a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to democratic principles and the rule of law. As the case unfolds, it will serve as a barometer of the nation’s ability to balance individual rights with the broader public interest. The legal system’s handling of this matter could either reinforce or undermine public confidence in the judiciary and the broader democratic process.

 

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The Supreme Court Declares Nigeria’s National Lottery Act of 2005 Invalid https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/24/the-supreme-court-declares-nigerias-national-lottery-act-of-2005-invalid/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/24/the-supreme-court-declares-nigerias-national-lottery-act-of-2005-invalid/#respond Sun, 24 Nov 2024 13:08:26 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3949

In a landmark judgment, in The Attorney General of Lagos State v. Attorney General of the Federation & Ors, with the appeal number SC/01/2008, the Supreme Court of Nigeria unanimously declared the National Lottery Act of 2005 invalid, sending ripples across the gaming and regulatory sectors in the country. The ruling, which was delivered on [insert date], has significant implications for federal and state-level authority over gaming regulations and the management of lotteries.

Background to the National Lottery Act

The National Lottery Act of 2005 was enacted to regulate lottery operations across Nigeria. It established the National Lottery Regulatory Commission (NLRC) and empowered it to oversee the conduct of lottery businesses, ensuring transparency, accountability, and compliance with national standards. Under the Act, the Commission could issue licenses, impose penalties, and coordinate activities to prevent fraud and protect public interest in lottery schemes.

Despite its provisions, the Act has faced challenges over the years, particularly from state governments, many of which argued that the regulation of lotteries falls under the purview of state authorities as opposed to federal jurisdiction.

The Legal Challenge

The recent Supreme Court ruling stems from a dispute over the extent of federal authority under the National Lottery Act. Several state governments filed a lawsuit challenging the Act, arguing that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), allocates the regulation of lotteries and gaming to state governments. They maintained that the National Lottery Act encroached on states’ powers, violating the principles of federalism enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution.

The central issue before the court was whether the National Assembly had the constitutional authority to legislate on lotteries and gaming or whether these matters were exclusively within the jurisdiction of state governments.

The Supreme Court’s Ruling

In its ruling, the Supreme Court unanimously held that the National Lottery Act of 2005 was unconstitutional and therefore invalid. The court emphasized that matters relating to lotteries and gaming are not expressly listed under the Exclusive or Concurrent Legislative Lists in the Constitution. Consequently, they fall within the Residual Legislative List, which is the exclusive domain of state governments.

The court further clarified that the National Assembly overstepped its legislative boundaries by enacting a law that sought to regulate activities reserved for states. The judgment effectively nullifies the federal government’s authority to regulate lotteries through the NLRC, leaving states with the sole power to legislate and oversee lottery activities within their territories.

Implications of the Judgment

The Supreme Court’s decision has far-reaching implications for lottery operators, regulatory bodies, and stakeholders in the gaming industry. Key takeaways include:

  1. State Autonomy in Lottery Regulation: States now have exclusive authority to legislate and regulate lottery and gaming activities. This could lead to diverse regulatory frameworks across the country, as each state develops its own laws and policies.
  2. Dissolution of the NLRC: With the invalidation of the National Lottery Act, the future of the National Lottery Regulatory Commission is uncertain. States are likely to establish their own commissions or agencies to oversee lottery operations within their jurisdictions.
  3. Impact on Operators: Lottery operators who were previously licensed by the NLRC may need to obtain fresh licenses from individual states to continue their operations. This could increase the regulatory burden and cost of compliance for businesses in the sector.
  4. Revenue Distribution: The ruling could affect revenue allocation from lottery operations. States will now directly benefit from taxes and levies generated from lotteries conducted within their territories, without sharing with the federal government.

The Journey to the Supreme Court’s Ruling on the National Lottery Act of 2005

The recent declaration by the Supreme Court of Nigeria that the National Lottery Act of 2005 is invalid did not occur in isolation. It is the culmination of a long-standing legal and jurisdictional conflict between the federal government and several state governments over the regulation of lotteries and gaming in Nigeria. This dispute reflects broader constitutional questions about the limits of federal authority and the autonomy of states within the Nigerian federation.

The Enactment of the National Lottery Act of 2005

As stated, The National Lottery Act was introduced in 2005 by the federal government to regulate lottery activities across the country. It established the National Lottery Regulatory Commission (NLRC), which was empowered to license operators, monitor lottery activities, enforce compliance, and collect revenues from lottery operations.

The federal government’s objective was to centralize the oversight of lotteries, ensuring that revenues generated from such activities could contribute to national development. However, from its inception, the Act faced resistance from state governments, which saw it as an encroachment on their constitutional powers.

The Role of State Governments

Many states in Nigeria had already established their own lottery boards or gaming commissions before the enactment of the National Lottery Act. These states argued that the regulation of lotteries, gaming, and betting fell under the Residual Legislative List of the Nigerian Constitution, meaning it was the exclusive responsibility of state governments.

Some states accused the federal government of interfering in their internal affairs by imposing a centralized regulatory framework. They further contended that the National Lottery Regulatory Commission disrupted their revenue generation efforts by asserting control over lottery operators within their territories.

The Legal Challenge Begins

The conflict between federal and state authorities escalated into a full-blown legal battle when some states began to challenge the National Lottery Act in court. States like Lagos, Ekiti, and Rivers, which had established vibrant gaming industries, led the charge, arguing that the federal government had no constitutional basis to regulate lotteries.

The states maintained that:

  1. Lotteries and Gaming Are Residual Matters: Under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended), matters not expressly listed in the Exclusive or Concurrent Legislative Lists belong to the Residual Legislative List, which is under the sole jurisdiction of state governments.
  2. Conflict with State Laws: The National Lottery Act conflicted with state lottery laws that predated it. This created a regulatory overlap that confused operators and negatively impacted the states’ ability to collect revenues.

The federal government, through the National Lottery Regulatory Commission, countered by arguing that lotteries and gaming were matters of national importance that required uniform regulation to prevent fraud, ensure transparency, and protect public interest.

Lower Court Proceedings

The case initially made its way through the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal, with mixed outcomes. While some lower courts upheld the federal government’s authority under the National Lottery Act, others ruled in favor of the states, citing the constitutional principle of federalism.

The lack of a definitive ruling prolonged the legal uncertainty, forcing operators to navigate conflicting demands from both the federal and state governments.

Escalation to the Supreme Court

Determined to resolve the issue once and for all, the matter was escalated to the Supreme Court of Nigeria, the highest court in the land. The apex court was tasked with determining the constitutionality of the National Lottery Act and clarifying whether the federal government or the states had the authority to regulate lotteries and gaming.

The states argued that the federal government had overreached its legislative powers by enacting the National Lottery Act without constitutional backing. They urged the Supreme Court to strike down the law and affirm their exclusive rights to regulate lotteries within their territories.

The Supreme Court’s Verdict

After extensive deliberation, the Supreme Court delivered its judgment, siding with the states. The court declared the National Lottery Act of 2005 invalid, ruling that lotteries and gaming fall within the Residual Legislative List and are therefore the exclusive responsibility of state governments.

This ruling marks the conclusion of a protracted legal battle that has reshaped the regulatory landscape for lotteries and gaming in Nigeria. States are now empowered to develop their own frameworks for the industry, while the federal government must relinquish its centralized control.

 

Conclusion

The Supreme Court’s decision underscores the importance of adhering to constitutional provisions in lawmaking and governance. It also reinforces the principle of federalism by reaffirming the autonomy of states in matters not expressly assigned to the federal government.

As states prepare to take on the responsibility of regulating lotteries, it is essential to establish robust and transparent systems to prevent fraud, protect consumers, and ensure that revenues from lotteries are utilized for the public good. This ruling marks the beginning of a new era in Nigeria’s gaming and lottery sector, with states poised to play a central role in shaping its future.

 

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Critical Analysis of the Land Use Act: Implications and Challenges in Nigeria https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/17/critical-analysis-of-the-land-use-act-implications-and-challenges-in-nigeria/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/17/critical-analysis-of-the-land-use-act-implications-and-challenges-in-nigeria/#respond Sun, 17 Nov 2024 21:05:21 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3700

The Land Use Act of 1978 was introduced as a revolutionary approach to land management in Nigeria, aiming to centralize control and eliminate the inequalities and complexities of land ownership. However, over four decades since its enactment, the Act remains a subject of intense debate, with numerous critiques regarding its impact on land rights, economic development, and social equity. This article provides a critical analysis of the Land Use Act, examining its provisions, challenges, and the broader implications for Nigeria’s development.

Background and Purpose of the Land Use Act

The Land Use Act was established in response to historical issues around land ownership, where land tenure systems varied widely across ethnic groups and regions. Prior to the Act, land ownership was typically held under customary law, which often led to ambiguities, disputes, and restricted access to land for investment and development purposes. The Act sought to streamline land ownership by vesting all land in each state in the hands of the state governor, theoretically making land accessible to all Nigerians and preventing land speculation.

Key Provisions of the Land Use Act

Some of the key components of the Land Use Act include:

  1. Governorship Control over Land: Under the Act, all land within a state is vested in the governor, who holds it in trust for the people and allocates land rights through certificates of occupancy.
  2. Statutory and Customary Rights of Occupancy: The Act distinguishes between statutory rights of occupancy for urban lands and customary rights for rural lands.
  3. Governor’s Consent: Transfers, mortgages, and leases of land require the governor’s consent, a process intended to control land transactions.
  4. Revocation of Rights and Compensation: The Act allows for the revocation of occupancy rights in the public interest, with a provision for compensation based on land improvements, not land value.
  5. Restriction on Alienation
    Landowners cannot sell, mortgage, or lease land without the governor’s consent.

Strengths of the Land Use Act

  1. Uniform Land Policy
    The Act established a unified system of land administration, eliminating discrepancies between customary and statutory land tenure systems.
  2. Reduction in Land Speculation
    By limiting individual ownership and speculative practices, the Act aimed to make land accessible for development.
  3. Public Interest Focus
    Centralized control was meant to ensure that land allocation serves public interest, promoting equitable access and preventing exploitation.
  4. Economic Development
    By facilitating access to land for industrial, agricultural, and infrastructural development, the Act sought to boost economic growth.

 

Criticisms and Challenges of the Land Use Act

Despite its intentions, the Land Use Act has faced widespread criticism, with many pointing to structural and practical challenges that have limited its effectiveness.

1.    Over-Concentration of Power

The Act vests enormous powers in state governors, leading to bureaucratic inefficiencies and abuse of power. Obtaining the governor’s consent for land transactions has become a bottleneck for land users.

  1. Bureaucratic Hurdles and Governor’s Consent Requirement

The requirement of obtaining the governor’s consent for nearly all land transactions has introduced significant bureaucratic hurdles. This process is often slow, costly, and subject to corruption, leading to delays and discouraging investments, particularly in the real estate and agricultural sectors. For individual landowners, the consent process has been a barrier to accessing loans, as land cannot be easily used as collateral.

3.     Limitations on Land Ownership and Security of Tenure

By centralizing land control in the hands of the governor, the Act essentially stripped individuals of absolute ownership rights. This has raised concerns about the security of land tenure, especially in rural areas where traditional land systems continue to hold sway. The lack of absolute ownership also means that landholders have limited incentives to invest in long-term development projects, as their tenure can theoretically be revoked by the state. The “trusteeship” nature of landholding under the Act undermines the security of tenure for land users. Since individuals cannot outrightly own land but only hold occupancy rights, long-term investments are often discouraged.

4.     Inadequate Compensation for Expropriated Land

Under the Act, the government has the authority to revoke rights of occupancy for public use, but compensation is limited to improvements made on the land, excluding the intrinsic land value. This has been a contentious point, as individuals and communities have often felt inadequately compensated, particularly in cases where ancestral land is taken for public projects. This approach disregards the traditional and emotional value of land, especially in agrarian communities. Further, compensation under the Act is based on the “unexhausted improvements” rather than the actual market value of the land. This has led to grievances among landowners who feel inadequately compensated for land acquired by the government.

5.     Duality of Customary and Statutory Land Rights

While the Act was intended to unify land ownership under a single framework, the reality is that customary and statutory systems continue to coexist, often in conflict. In many rural areas, land is still managed according to customary practices, which are not formally recognized under statutory law. This duality has created uncertainty and led to frequent disputes, as traditional landholders and formal land title holders have competing claims to the same land. Despite its attempt to harmonize tenure systems, the Act has not effectively bridged the gap between customary land rights and statutory provisions. Many rural communities still operate under traditional practices, creating legal ambiguities.

6.     Inequitable Access and Elite Capture

Rather than democratizing access to land, the Act has often facilitated land access for political elites and well-connected individuals, while ordinary citizens struggle to secure land rights. In urban areas, land allocation has been marked by allegations of favoritism and corruption, where valuable plots are often granted to influential figures, undermining the Act’s original intention of equitable access.

7.     Economic Impediments and Stifled Land Markets

The lack of secure land tenure and the complexity of transferring land rights have stifled the development of a dynamic land market. Insecurity around land ownership discourages investment in land and limits its potential as collateral for loans. This has hindered both rural and urban economic development, as land—a fundamental asset—remains underutilized. The inability to use land as collateral without the governor’s consent restricts access to credit for many small and medium-scale enterprises. This stifles entrepreneurial growth and development.

Impact on Land Use and Development

1.     Agriculture
Farmers, particularly in rural areas, face challenges in securing formalized rights to land, which limits agricultural productivity and investment.

2.     Urban Development
In urban areas, the high cost of obtaining Certificates of Occupancy has led to widespread informal land markets, with many people resorting to illegal land acquisition.

3.     Environmental Concerns
The Act’s focus on state control has not adequately addressed environmental sustainability, with issues such as land degradation and poor urban planning persisting.

Judicial and Legislative Interventions

Over the years, the Nigerian judiciary has interpreted several aspects of the Land Use Act, attempting to address some of its more contentious issues. Courts have ruled on compensation standards, tenure security, and the limitations of customary land rights, occasionally expanding protections for landholders. However, judicial intervention alone cannot resolve the structural limitations inherent in the Act, and comprehensive legislative reforms have been slow to materialize.

Recent Attempts at Reform

Efforts to amend the Act have been met with resistance due to the complex political and economic interests involved. Some proposals have suggested decentralizing the authority vested in the governor, strengthening protections for customary land rights, and simplifying the consent process. However, these reforms have not been realized, leaving the Act largely unchanged.

Recommendations for Reform

1.     Decentralization of Powers
Reduce the excessive powers of state governors by delegating more responsibilities to local government councils and land agencies.

2.     Simplification of Processes
Streamline the procedures for obtaining Certificates of Occupancy and governor’s consent to make them more accessible and less costly.

3.     Review Compensation Mechanisms
Update the compensation framework to reflect the current market value of land and incorporate considerations for intangible losses.

4.     Recognition of Customary Land Rights
Develop mechanisms to formally integrate customary land tenure systems into the statutory framework without disenfranchising local communities.

5.     Public Awareness Campaigns
Educate Nigerians about their rights under the Land Use Act and the benefits of formalizing land ownership.

6.     Legislative Amendment
Revise contentious provisions of the Act to align with contemporary realities and global best practices in land administration.

Implications for Future Development in Nigeria

The current structure of the Land Use Act has profound implications for Nigeria’s future. As the country continues to urbanize and its population grows, access to land will be a critical issue in addressing housing shortages, food security, and infrastructure development. Without reform, the Act’s limitations could continue to hinder economic growth and social equity.

Opportunities for Modernization

Reforming the Land Use Act could unlock significant economic potential by:

  1. Facilitating a More Vibrant Land Market: Simplifying the process of land transfer and granting secure titles would promote investment and make land a more liquid asset.
  2. Improving Rural Development: Recognizing customary land rights formally would encourage rural landowners to invest in agriculture and infrastructure without fear of expropriation.
  3. Reducing Corruption and Bureaucracy: Streamlining the consent process would reduce the opportunity for corruption and allow for faster, more transparent land transactions.

Conclusion

The Land Use Act was a landmark piece of legislation, but its rigid structure and centralization of land rights have resulted in numerous challenges. By limiting secure land tenure and introducing bureaucratic obstacles, the Act has constrained Nigeria’s potential for economic development and equitable land access. Comprehensive reforms that address these issues, recognize customary rights, and streamline land administration are essential to modernizing Nigeria’s land system and meeting the needs of its growing population.

 

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How to Register and Manage NGOs in Nigeria Under CAMA 2020 https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/04/how-to-register-and-manage-ngos-in-nigeria-under-cama-2020/ https://1stattorneys.ng/articles/2024/11/04/how-to-register-and-manage-ngos-in-nigeria-under-cama-2020/#respond Mon, 04 Nov 2024 12:14:10 +0000 https://1stattorneys.com/articles/?p=3694

In Nigeria, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) play a crucial role in addressing social issues, from healthcare to education to human rights. If you’re considering setting up an NGO, understanding the registration process and management requirements under the Companies and Allied Matters Act, 2020 (CAMA) is essential. Here, we’ll walk through the key steps for registering and managing an NGO, focusing on transparency, accountability, and staying compliant with Nigerian law.

Registering an NGO

Under CAMA 2020, NGOs are classified as “Incorporated Trustees.” This structure gives your NGO legal status, helping it to own assets, open bank accounts, and operate effectively. Here’s what you need to register:

  • Name Requirements: The NGO’s name must include the phrase “Incorporated Trustees of…” This designation signals that your organization is set up for a charitable or developmental purpose.
  • Define Aims and Objectives: Clearly outline your NGO’s goals. CAMA requires that the purpose be focused on charity, religion, education, culture, sports, or another lawful objective.
  • Secretary’s Information: Include the full name, address, and occupation of the secretary in the application.
  • Constitution: The NGO’s constitution serves as its guiding document, detailing how it will be governed and managed. You’ll need two copies for registration.
  • Trustee Appointment Minutes: Include signed minutes from the meeting where trustees were appointed and authorized to apply for registration.

Drafting the NGO’s Constitution

The constitution is a critical document that lays out the ground rules for your NGO’s structure and management. According to Section 827 of CAMA 2020, here’s what it should cover:

  • Trustees’ Information: List the names, addresses, and occupations of all trustees.
  • Trustee Appointment and Removal: Specify the procedures for appointing and removing trustees and define their powers and duties.
  • Common Seal Rules: If your NGO will have a common seal (like an official stamp), outline the rules for its use and custody.
  • Meeting Protocols: Detail the frequency of meetings, how they’ll be conducted, and voting rules.
  • Governing Body Structure: Describe the roles and responsibilities of your NGO’s leadership, such as board members or executive directors.
  • Financial Oversight: Set up processes for collecting funds, approving expenses, keeping financial records, and conducting audits. This section reinforces accountability.

Public Notice and Objections

After submitting your application, the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) will announce it in two daily newspapers, including one national publication. This gives the public an opportunity to raise any objections. Here’s how it works:

  • Objection Period: People have 28 days to object, providing specific reasons.
  • CAC Review: If there are objections, the CAC reviews them and decides whether the application should proceed.

Getting Incorporated

Once any objections are resolved, or if none were filed, the CAC will issue a certificate of incorporation, officially recognizing the NGO. This certificate grants the NGO some key benefits:

  • Corporate Status: Your NGO now exists as a separate legal entity, allowing it to operate independently of its founders.
  • Perpetual Succession: The organization continues to exist regardless of changes in trustees.
  • Legal Capacity: The NGO can sue or be sued in its corporate name.
  • Property Rights: It can own, manage, and transfer property as needed.
  • Common Seal (Optional): You can use a seal to authenticate official documents.

Changing an NGO’s Name

If the NGO’s name needs to change in the future, the trustees can apply to the CAC with:

  • Application Form and Resolution: Submit a form with a resolution signed by the trustees.
  • Public Notification: The CAC will publish the name change application in two newspapers, allowing 28 days for objections.
  • Approval and New Certificate: If no objections are raised, the CAC will issue a new certificate with the updated name.

Appointing and Replacing Trustees

Trustees are vital to your NGO’s governance. If you need to appoint or replace them, Section 834 of CAMA outlines the procedure:

  • Resolution and Application: Pass a resolution at a general meeting and submit the application form with the minutes from the meeting.
  • Declaration and IDs: Each new trustee must sign a declaration, and you’ll need to provide photo identification for them.
  • Public Notice: The CAC will publish the change, allowing for objections. Once approved, the appointments are valid.

Filing Annual Returns

Keeping up with annual filings is essential to show that your NGO is compliant and active. According to Section 845 of CAMA 2020, your NGO needs to file annual returns with the CAC, including:

  • Return Form: This includes details on the NGO’s name, trustees, governing body members, land holdings, and constitutional changes.
  • Audited Financial Statements: Submit a copy of the most recent audited accounts.

If the NGO misses the deadline, penalties can apply, so staying organized with annual filings is essential.

Key Points for Managing NGOs in Nigeria

Beyond registration, CAMA 2020 lays out a framework for running an NGO responsibly and transparently. Here are some principles and legal obligations:

  • Governing Body: You may set up a council or governing body to handle the NGO’s administrative functions.
  • Non-Profit Requirement: Under Section 838, all income and property must be directed toward the organization’s stated goals, with no personal benefit to trustees or members.
  • CAC Oversight: The CAC can intervene in cases of mismanagement, with the power to suspend trustees or appoint interim managers.
  • Accurate Financial Records: Keeping up-to-date records and submitting bi-annual statements to the CAC is required under Section 845 to maintain financial transparency.

Conclusion

Navigating the legal requirements to establish and run an NGO in Nigeria may seem complex, but CAMA 2020 offers a clear path for doing it right. By adhering to these guidelines, NGOs can operate with the credibility, transparency, and legal standing necessary to make a meaningful impact. The steps may be detailed, but they help ensure that NGOs serve their communities effectively and remain accountable to their mission and stakeholders.

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